Stories of Christians and non-Christians being persecuted throughout the world and especially in the western hemisphere are becoming more familiar to North American Christians. The mass media exposure, the work of special interest groups and the geographical nearness of these incidents have all served to inform them. As reports and information are circulating, the Christian wants to be sympathetic and yet does not know what to believe and what not to believe. The gruesome facts remain however; persecution and injustices are taking place and Christians are suffering . How should Christians and the Church respond to these situations?
As a missionary working among the Haitian immigrants and refugees in the Dominican Republic, I would like to make the following observations: 1) we must recognize what persecution is and differentiate that from self-affliction; 2) we should seek to understand the history of the conflict in question, and 3) we should be actively involved in the solution to the conflict.
1. Recognizing Persecution
Persecution is the act of inflicting suffering, harm, or death on those who differ in class, ideology, race, religion or whatever is considered o ffensive to the persecutors. This is different from judicial punishment, which is retribution for infractions against the laws of the government. Persecution is inflicting suffering, not on the basis of the law but for other reasons.
Christians in situations in which there are unjust laws, unjust application of laws and unjust persecution and punishment, are still bound by the law of God, as summarized in the 10 commandments, fulfilled in the person of Jesus and practiced in the faithful Church. If the law of his authorities does not conflict with the law of God, he is to be obedient.
Among the Haitian immigrants in the Dominican Republic, Christians have received both persecution and punishment. During 1982, many Christians suffered harrasment and jail terms when the military was seeking to deport illegal Haitian immigrants. The innocent and the guilty were deported, or detained for a period of time without legal advice. On the other hand, several of the Christians were indeed illegal immigrants, and simply got the punishment (deportation) they expected to receive if caught.
The Latin concept of law, based on the Napolean code of being guilty until proved innocent, is often misused. Corruption, bribery, torture, harassment, and other unlawful activities are far too common. Christians continually have to struggle to keep the law of God and the laws of the land in focus.
The applications of the laws of the land are very questionable. By government decree, Haitian immigrants are “bought” from the Haitian government in order to work in the sugar cane fields during the 6-month harvest season. The work is so difficult that the Dominican does not want to do it. The Haitians, who live in desperate poverty in Haiti, are lured over the border. However, the housing, salary, and social benefits are grossly distorted in relationship to the real needs of the workers. The government–run companies, in collaboration with the private companies, have made laws which serve the interest of the owners, rather than considering the welfare of all parties involved. The lack of benefits and salary in a society which requires sufficient money to buy medicine, clothes and other modern necessities, is a form of persecution. Rather than the sin of commission, it is the sin of omission.
It is possible to tell horror stories of discrimination and abuses, but to put our thoughts into perspective, lets us consider the historical background to the above mentioned situation.
2. The History of the Conflict Between Haiti and the Dominican Republic
Haiti and the Dominican Republic, as we know them today, are two countries on the island Hispaniola. Haiti is on the western and the DR on the eastern part. Haiti covers one-third of the island and the DR the other two-thirds.
In 1492, Christopher Columbus claimed Hispaniola for Spain, but the French buccaneers settled into the northwestern part of the island. Though efforts were made to resist them, by 1697, with the Treaty of Ryswyk, Spain recognized France’s claim to western St. Domingue. A small population of French colonists ruled St. Domingue’s predominately African population, slaves who had been brought in to do plantation work. During 179f the slave revolt started in St. Domingue, which led to the overthrow of the white French dominance and the establishment of the first black nation in the western hemisphere. The new nation consisted of a large black, French speaking population in contrast to a less populous white and mulatto, Spanish speaking population in the Dominican Republic. Right from the beginning of her nationhood, Haiti has been a threat to her neighbor, the Dominican Republic.
The Dominican Republic slaves did not have a revolt; instead they submitted to the Spanish plantation owners. Perhaps they did not want the same fate as their indian predecessors, who were killed off through war, disease and hard labour. Although the black population was far larger than the white and brown rulers, not until the Haitians invaded the Dominican Republic, did the· slaves pick up arms against the Haitians.
Toussaint Louverture invaded Santo Domingo in January, 1801. He declared that slavery would be abolished. Resistance was minimal at that time, especially in absence of Spanish troops and in presence of a large African population. In 1802 Toussaint had to return to Haiti to defend himself against French troops. Jean-Jacques Dessalines, successor of Toussaint, launched an unsuccessful invasion on Santo Domingo in 1805. In 1822, however, President Jean Pierre Boyer marched on Santo Domingo to begin the 22-year Haitian occupation.
During the occupation several significant migration events took place. Boyer attempted to resettle many soldiers in the Dominican Republic. The country was underpopulated and Haitian control could be established by such a resettlement policy (1). Protestantism was introduced to the Dominican Republic during the Haitian occupation. Freed slaves from the United States, white missionaries and Protestants from Haiti settled in the DR (2). Protestantism was first associated with English speaking Africans, and not until 1848 was it practiced in Spanish.
Independence Day, February 27, 1844, brought independence from the Haitians. Deep roots of enmity and bitterness due to oppression and neglect of the country continue even till the present. The fear of yet another Haitian invasion, substantiated by Haitian attempts in 1849 and 1855, still exist in the subconsciousness of the Dominicans. This was expressed by former President Juan Bosch (1963).
As soon as I was elected President of the Dominican Republic, Duvalier resolved to kill me-why, I have no idea. Perhaps he had a dream about me and interpreted it as an order to do away with me. Perhaps in a voodoo trance, one of his guardian spirits told him that I would become his enemy (3).
One can understand the national fear of the Haitian. Even today, though Haiti is only one third of the island, she has more people, most of whom are desperately poor (6 million compared to 5.6 million). In the DR, an estimated 10% of the population are of Haitian descent. Many of these have come over the centuries in order to cut sugar cane.
Sugar cane is as old as Western civilization on the island. Columbus brought a bundle of canes with him on his second voyage and planted them. Shortly afterwards the first mill was set up (4). By 1875, the sugar cane industry had become the country’s main export (5). Statistics show that as early as the 1920’s the Haitians were coming across the borders in order to work in the cane fields. Company officials reported 900 Haitian workers during the 1919–20 harvest, 1,100 in 1920–21 and over 1000 by 1925–26 (6). If these were the numbers reported one can imagine that the actual number would be far greater. The flow of immigrants continued to increase until in 1937 the dictator Trujillo had over 20,000 Haitian immigrants massacred at the frontier (7). The concern for the Haitians was so minimal that Trujillo’s political career was not damaged by this massacre. Yet the economic plight of the Haitians continued in Haiti so that migration to the sugar cane plantations steadily started to pick up again (8). By 1952/53, 16,500 Haitians were contracted to come, a number which started to dwindle until 1957 when Papa Doc came into power. Then the migrations increased again. Many who came to the DR stayed for life. In 1982 the official number of short-term workers who come and go every 6 months stands at 19,000 (9). However, besides these , there are other Haitians and workers: workers who are legal migrants, workers who are illegal, children of workers who have become Dominican, political refugees and 2nd and 3rd generation Haitians. Estimates indicate there are about 500,000 Haitian descendants in the DR with ties to Haiti, which is roughly 10% of the Dominican population.
Haitian immigrants, due to their marginal status in the Dominican society and incomplete legal status, are in constant danger of deportation. During 1982 thousands were deported. The deportations were especially severe after the United Nations High Commission on Refugees’ sub-committee on modern slavery accused the Dominican government of buying Haitians at the border for various types of plantation work. The government denied the charges and the military systematically started to bother the Haitian political groups in exile and in prison and deport a number of them. With the corning of a new President, these types of activities are not as common.
The Haitian immigrants feared the return of the Reform Party, led by ex–president Balaguer, who previously had closed the border to Haitian immigration (1967) and who would be capable of repeating that. However, the election turned in favour of the Revolutionary Party, who were more favourable toward the Haitians. One reason could be the presence of Pena Gomez, who is said to be of Haitian descent. His mother died in Haiti, after fleeing there during the Trujillo massacre in 1937. Gomez was left to die on the mountians near the frontier , but a Dominican family took him in. During his life-time he rose to prominence in the Dominican Revolutionary Party. The story of Pena Gomez is symbolic of the hope of the Haitian immigrant, who seeks to lose his Haitian identity and become part of the Dominican society.
3. Christian Solutions
We have briefly summarized the historical situation between the Dominicans and the Haitians. Most observers have asked the question: “What can we do about this situation?” The following have been some of the replies and efforts.
a) Seek to change the Haitian government which does virtually nothing to eleveate the desperate condition in Haiti, which forces people to seek work, whatever the cost. However, over 17 attempts have been made to overthrow the Duvalier dictatorship, of which none were successful. Attempts at democratic opposition have been unsuccessful in that the leader of the opposition, Sylva Claude of the Haitian Christian Democratic Party was imprisoned for ideological purposes (not revolutionary purposes). There are scores of Haitian parties in exile, most supporting violent means of over throwing the present government, who are waiting for the opportunity to re-enter Haiti. One of the chief obstacles to revolution is foreign intervention. The Dominican Republic has deported Haitian revolutionaries and does not support arms trafficking or Haitian military build up on their side of the border. They want a peaceful relationship with Haiti, in part, to continue to secure sugar cane cutters and in part not to aggravate an explosive situation. The United States has been serving as a protector of Haiti, not only from nearby Cuba but also from exiles who seek to re-enter the country. The U.S. Coastguard has been patrolling the waters north of Haiti in order to stop the boat people from leaving Haiti to go to Florida. This blockade has also served to stop revolutionaries from entering Haiti. In 1982 a revolution was thwarted by the Americans as the revolutionary leaders were picked up by the U.S. Coast guard before they could enter Haiti. The rest of the revolutionaries managed to last for a week or so in Haiti before the feeble attempt was aborted.
Liberation theologians would advocate using violent and revolutionary means to overthrow the present Haitian government. Conservative evangelicals within the country would by and large, be against a violent overthrow of Duvalier. Evangelicals have expressed appreciation for the freedom of religion, which is given by the regime. They fear that a revolution would bring communism. Missions and missionaries have been allowed to work in Haiti by the present government. Some evangelicals are on advisory boards of the government. One does not observe a militant movement against the government from the conservative evangelical ranks. This is in keeping with fundamentalistic character of evangelical churches which generally hold to a separation of church and state.
It is my opinion that if the church is going to be separate from the state, it must separate itself from the left, center and right. By its actions or non-action, this separation must be seen. If liberation theologians violate this principle by supporting the revolutionaries, then the conservatives violate this principle by supporting the government. How does the church remain “called out” and yet in the world? I think that the Church must preach the gospel and denounce sin and injustice where ever it may be found. Let me illustrate that with an experience my wife and I had in Santo Domingo.
During the Christmas season of 1981 we were invited to attend a Christmas drama put on by a group of Haitian exiles. The drama turned out to be a political rally for a Haitian political party. Not only was revolution preached, but also a return to Voodooism, which was called the soul of the Haitian people. Voodooism was part of the Haitian revolution in 1791 and has maintained its folk religion status to the present day. Voodooism, from the Christian’s point of view, has crippled the Haitian society, keeping people in ignorance, fear, superstition and irrationality. Voodooism is a deeper expression of evil than the Duvalier regime. And so, from a Christian’s point of view, this Haitian political party might want change to help their people, but they certainly were using the wrong means and ideology. They were not a better alternative to the present Haitian government.
On the other hand, there have been Haitian political parties which seek non-violent democratic ways to become part of the Haitian government. Though their effort is small and frustrated, it seems to be in keeping with Christian social principles. Hence, Haitian Christians could support such an effort without compromising Christian principles. However, I feel there is a better way.
b) Christians must seek to be fully part of the Church and Christian community. The Church is not supposed to be a political party or identify itself with the left, right or center. The Church, as an institution, must be salt of the earth, a city on a hill, light in darkness and an example of what life should be.
The Christian Reformed Church in the Dominican Republic seeks to preach ,the gospel and practice the gospel in all areas of life. This includes church planting and development as well as education, literacy training, nutrition programs , medical programs and similar social work, which as North Americans we would expect the government to carry out. However, the government is failing in its social relief efforts. Should we seek for an overthrow of the government or seek to work out the solutions through the Church? I believe the Church and Christians have the liberty to work out ecclesiastical and social solutions as long as they maintain the creational structures given by God to man and society and maintain the “called out” and separate nature of the Body of Christ.
Church workers should concentrate on building up the Church and Christian believers. If the Church is what it’s supposed to be, a solution to sin and misery will exist, though it not be through government structures . Where the Church has too often failed is in failure to be critical of itself and to reform from un-Christian doctrines and practices. How can we speak about political persecution when the church is often the tool of the Evil One’s spiritual persecution of God’s people. Christians are constantly confronted with Papal claims, Mario logy, veneration of saints and ancestors, spiritualism, hypocrisy and sin. To these we must speak as well as to the injustices and sin of the governments.
As Christians we should not forget that the wars and destructions in the world are part of the judgments of God on sin. In the Old Testament we learn that God judged the sins of the religious community as well as the governments. This knowledge does not justify wrong or unjust persecution, but it should force us to examine ourselves, our religious communities, our involvement in government and all areas of life. We should pray for mercy and healing and that God would use us as vehicles of His grace.
For the Haitian immigrant, being part of the CRC community will mean hearing the gospel and seeking to carry out the implications of the gospel. This means trying to get legal documents, health, education, meaning in work, family help and any help to combat the principalities and powers that seek to destroy life and obscure the message of eternal life. If someone cannot obtain legal status, health, education and fulfillment in different areas of life, the CRC still seeks to be a community of grace and support as we wait for the full redemption in Jesus Christ. But we wait not only for the second coming, but for God’s intervention in history in order to change society. Meanwhile, we must be busy in the Church and Kingdom, working out the implications of the gospel following the example of our Lord and Master.
1. Ian Bell, The Dominican Republic (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1981), pg. 25.
2. Lockward, G., Historia del Protestantismo en Ia Republica Dominicana.
3 . Juan Bosch, The Unfinished Experiment, (Santo Domingo), pg. 184.
4. Bell, op. cit. pg. 304. 5. Ibid. pg. 305. 6. Jose Castillo, La Immigracion de Braceros Azucareros en Ia Republica Dominicana: 1900–1933, (Santo Domingo: 1978), pg. 46. 7. The exact number of killed is not known, estimates range from 5,000–35,000. 8. Andres Corten, Azucar y Politico en Ia Republica Dominicana, (Santo Domingo: Editiones de Taller, 1978), pg. 17. 9 . Listin Dario, Nov. 11, 1982, pg. 4. Note: Neal Hegeman is a Christian Reformed Missionary at San to Domingo in the Dominican Republic.